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WI’s should be embarrassed! — Eoin Morgan (@Eoin16) February 2 2016 Mutes words “mankad” and “mankaded” from timeline — Jarrod Kimber (@ajarrodkimber) February 2 2016 Written by MANOJ MORE | Pune | Published: March 1 2017 2:14 am Raju Bansode Top News THE February 2017 elections to the Pimpri-Chinchwad Municipal Corporation (PCMC) witnessed several shock defeats And the architects of grand surprises from the NCP Shiv Sena and BJP were none other than some rookies who had jumped into the poll fray for the first time but had enough gumption to send established corporators packing Incidentally the losing candidates here are not grumbling about tampering of EVMs or rigging of polls Watch What Else is Making News The “heroes” of PCMC election include candidates such as Amit Gawde a Shiv Sainik and a builder who defeated R S Kumar of NCP from the posh Pradhikaran panel Kumar was contesting his seventh consecutive election; he had won all six past elections But Gawde won by margin of 1715 votes Another “giant killer” is Raju Bansode of NCP a resident of Dapodi’s Siddharthnagar slum who contested the election from the Dapodi-Kasarwadi panel Bansode in his maiden attempt trounced five-time winner Chandrakanta Sonkamble of BJP Sonkamble had won all past five elections on a RPI ticket from Dapodi area but this time she had contested on a BJP ticket Amit Gawde Yet another exceptional performance came from Usha Mundhe a homemaker from Pimple Gurav She humbled none other than Pimpri-Chinchwad Mayor Shakuntala Darade While the counting was on Gawde (34) was trailing Kumar in the first two rounds Apparently confident that he would again emerge the winner Kumar had left the counting centre However in the third round Gawde raced ahead and by the fourth round as Kumar fell to the third spot Gawde punched the air in delight On Tuesday he received a pat from none other than Sena supremo Uddhav Thackeray “Uddhavji has asked us to put in our best efforts for our respective areas which I will certainly do” said Gawde But how did a first-timer manager to defeat a veteran like Kumar “I had an army of 350 people working for me; they were volunteers citizens activists and people from the area” said Gawde “I started door-to-door campaigning months earlier in December as I was confident about getting the Sena ticket” he said Gawde also alleged that Kumar was trying to “fool people in every election” by announcing that he was contesting for the last time Raju Bansode (36) a Class V drop-out lives in a hutment in Dapodi and has earlier worked as a newspaper vendor and an autorickshaw driver “Currently I am jobless …but I am a full-time social activist” he said So how did he manage to pull off such a stunning victory especially when he had no money “I borrowed Rs 50000 from my friends and relatives My other panel members from NCP who are from affluent families did the rest” said Bansode adding that his personal contact with voters in the area worked in his favour He won by a margin of 700 votes Usha Mundhe who won from Pimple Gurav panel said a network of self-help groups helped her win “I have worked relentlessly for the upliftment of women in my area…My work has been acknowledged the media and now by the voters” said Mundhe while also praising BJP president Laxman Jagtap for giving her a chance to “work for poor women” She won by over 3000 votes Meanwhile the losing candidates seemed to have accepted their defeat at the hands of first-timers gracefully Mayor Shakuntala Darade said “I have accepted my defeat and have no complaint against EVMs” Similarly Kumar said “I have worked relentlessly but lost… I concede defeat with all humility and wish good luck to all the winners” For all the latest Pune News download Indian Express App More Top NewsBy: Express News Service | Mumbai | Published: September 9 2017 6:01 am Representational Image Top News A 19-year-old girl was Thursday pushed from a train near Virar by a man who tried to snatch her bag police said The Government Railway Police (GRP) is now on the look-out for the man suspected to be in his 30s According to the police the victim Komal Chavan works at a lottery shop in Virar She boarded the 949 pm Churchgate-bound train to return home to Nalasopara Spotting Chavan alone the suspect boarded the women’s compartment While rules mandate railway policemen to guard women’s coaches after 9 pm no guard was present in Chavan’s bogey According to the police the suspect demanded money from Chavan and ordered her to give him her bag When Chavan refused he dragged her towards the footboard By now the train had picked up speed and was about to leave the platform When Chavan still refused to give him her bag the suspect pushed her from the train Chavan landed on tracks near platform 8 at Virar She was rushed to a local hospital and operated upon on Friday as her right shoulder was dislocated in the fall Her condition is now reported to be stable The police has registered a case under Sections 393 (robbery attempt) 394 (causing hurt in committing robbery) and 356 (assault or criminal force in attempt to commit theft) of the IPC against the unidentified person and are going through the CCTV footage from the platform to identify him For all the latest Mumbai News download Indian Express App More Top NewsPublished: March 27 2014 12:19 am Related News SC’s order on Muzaffarnagar riots investigation leaves question of political interference unresolved The Supreme Court’s scathing remarks on the failure of the Uttar Pradesh government to prevent the Muzaffarnagar riots sits in puzzling contrast with its refusal to appoint an SIT or CBI probe on the communal violence If the Akhilesh Yadav government was indeed “negligent” does the SC really expect it to prosecute government functionaries and political leaders responsible not only for dereliction of duty but also incitement to violence The UP government has consistently maintained before the SC that it has been taking all necessary steps to restore communal harmony Meanwhile hundreds of those accused of the riots have gone missing or received bail Political parties have brazenly offered Lok Sabha tickets to those who purportedly delivered inflammatory speeches during the riots Earlier this year the state government sought to withdraw cases filed against some of the accused The one-man inquiry commission set up in the aftermath of the riots is yet to submit its report to the government Victims in refugee camps still live in deplorable conditions and in fear Beyond filing FIRs the police has done little to investigate complaints For its part the Union home ministry has refused to make public the UP governor’s report on the issue If all these instances smack of the failure of the government machinery to bring perpetrators to justice it begs the question why the SC has chosen to rely on the government’s promises Admittedly there is a case against transferring every high-profile case to the CBI or an SIT since it defeats the very purpose of having state agencies to investigate the breakdown of law and order But communal violence has been a recurrent feature thanks to the state’s complicity or negligence in preventing riots Whether and how insulated the state police is from its political leadership therefore assumes great significance in each context Few institutions have been more sensitive to this concern than the SC: the retrials transfers and fresh investigation of the 2002 riots it ordered in place of the shoddy judicial process in Gujarat stand testimony to this fact In the present case however the SC has sent confusing signals by castigating the UP government but refusing at the same time to acknowledge that riots investigation will be subject to political pressures — all the more so in the run up to the Lok Sabha elections For all the latest Opinion News download Indian Express App More Related NewsWritten by Subhomoy Bhattacharjee | Published: June 4 2012 2:26 am Related News Sluggish growth means India has no jobs to offer its labour force The explosive growth of cycle rickshaws in Delhithe Supreme Court recently observedcannot be curbed by establishing a cap on their numbers What the court left unsaid was that when an economy decides to move at the pace of cycle rickshawsplying them could almost be a national duty But that pace of growth of rickshaws shows why we are hurtling downwards Indian cities are now littered with workers who have nowhere else to go Two datapoints from the GDP figures for 2011-12released by the Central Statistics Officestand out The first is the growth rate of the agriculture sectorat 28 per cent The other is the manufacturing sectorgrowing even more slowly at 25 per cent An aside: the last time the growth rate of agriculture in the annual GDP outscored manufacturing was in 2003-04 So this is another record for this government Since the two sectorsbetween thememploy just a shade less than 55 per cent of the labour force according to Labour Bureau statistics for 2010 how the anaemic growth rates of these two sectors will hurt labour welfare can be judged easily But there is more: it also reveals the perils of pursuing a vision that is overly prescriptive for an economy that needs growth as its primary objective at this stage Because of the nature of agriculture sectorit is difficult to expect it to register over 5 per cent annual growth Since 1990-91there have been only eight years when the annual growth rate of the agro sector crossed 5 per cent andexcept for oncethey have all been bounce-back years after a drought or flood So the rate of growth it has registered in the drought-free year of 2011-12 is quite commendable But those rates make it impossible to employ productively 455 per cent of the labour force in the fields It has to shift out So where can these workers turn The obvious choice is manufacturingthe second highest employer But even as they prepare to migratethe UPA government has turned off the employment tapbringing the manufacturing sector closer to shrinkage than growth This could have been funny if the implications had not been so disturbing It began when sections in this government railed against growth policies that supposedly did not create employment By setting up a complex structure of safety netsthe government has pulled down both growth and employment and hit the unorganised sector the hardest Conditions for migration to the organised sector are at their bleakest now If that has brought protesters out on the streetsit is not surprising The terms progressively handed out to the manufacturing sector to negotiate became impossible even for the large guys to handle When UPA came to power in 2004manufacturing sector was reeling from the effects of Chinese competitionthe East Asian crisis and a difficult tax environment It had suffered eight years of less than 8 per cent growth But after the first flush of support that came from the promulgation of the SEZ Act and the adoption of nationwide VATit began to move back It started with the land billbut the raising of the environment bogey and the hostility towards creating a support platform for intra region migration became impossible to surmount This hostility was visible in the surfeit of laws to prevent migration of labourwhich began to starve the factories In additiona combination of spiralling land prices and a vicious environment lobby has blocked the chancesespecially of small enterprisesof operating in city neighbourhoods These arehoweverthe largest employment generators in the manufacturing sector Land rates have risen within the city and outside as this government has refused to let industrial zones expand on virgin land outside the municipal limits One of the lesser known reasons why the Noida SEZ is a runaway success is the cheaper rate at which it provides land for small units But there are few such success storiesas the government wants to look away from such zones Meanwhile small enterprises were physically carted off to inhospitable industrial estates as environment groups and real estate agents made common cause against them In those estates finding labourers was often difficult Of every 10 enterprises relocated in Delhiat least four have not opened shop again The others have simply moved on to more capital-intensive methods Those that survived moved their manufacturing to China Cities like Yiwu in Zhejiang province have become a paradise for Indian small entrepreneurs to source manufacturing from and sell within India No wonder that of the 30 million microsmall and medium enterprises in Indianearly 22 millionor 73 per centare now classified as service enterprises India just has no jobs to offer its labour force Add to it the anti-labour policies that masquerade as labour welfare A corollary of these policies is that as the growth rate of the economy has wanedthe surplus available with the government to make workers stay in villages will also become scarce The surplus worker from the agriculture sector thenhas few options other than to consider hiring a cycle rickshaw to run the city streets [email protected] For all the latest Opinion News download Indian Express App More Related NewsDo I contradict myself Very well then I contradict myself; (I am large I contain multitudes) – Walt Whitman Raya Sarkar has brought us a list setting the creeds and schools in abeyance and we will not understand what they did until it has all been done This list comes in the epoch of the leaks— "Unlike societies in the 1970s our social body is defined by leaks; everything leaks from surveillance tapes wire tapes nudity on a remote beach books music to medicinal drugs and lives” It comes also in the era of new technologies of sex In this the list should not surprise us All we need to know about the list for now is that it is a “crowd-sourced list naming alleged sexual harassers in academia” Further some of the names in the list are the leaders of postcolonial theory which also determines the most dominant feminism in India The list liberates women from the terror of men and the demand for submission to the postcolonial norms in the academia In this the list reveals the critical-ised state of feminism All we need to know for now is that Sarkar is ‘they’ since we do not give a damn about what anyone was born as This ‘they’is not Whitman’s multitudes but something different which indicates the passion for the future which — this time it is of everything — is already here They and their list are showing us something beyond sex death and the little fascisms in the name of "the left" File image of Raya Sarkar Image source: Facebook Critical-ised feminism and its necessary line of descent The list has elicited bitter responses and more lists have appeared These incoherent sounds of a broken internal milieu — the lists casteism more and more pronouns territorial shouts threats curses — are the only ones a critical-ised movement can make like the tattered skin of an old drum These paranoid gestures — checking the locks tough postures out of a vacant power camping into caste ghettos territorial markings dirt wars — are all that an organism in a foreign milieu can make This is feminism at its critical limits or the birthing moments of critical feminism Critique is the activity of passing something — an organism a system a society — through a sieve to find the distinct powers within it and then to find the limits of these powers Critical is in mathematical terms the point at which a curve changes direction either up or down We know too well that when the hospital tells us that “he is in a critical condition” he will not return from this state the way he was earlier; he may come back either as better or as worse but never the same A critique was at home in the concept of "feminism" since its beginning This beginning though came too late in the history of the concepts of politics even later than racism The division of people into men and women in a hierarchy determined by the concept patriarchy — of which we still have not understood everything — was to be opposed The opposing concept which would reverse the hierarchy was named “feminism” and it was destined to remain in a relation of dependency with patriarchy Feminism made the division in people explicit and made us aware of the hierarchy which held men superior to women It soon became an epistemology the science of how we come to know some things to be what they are Feminist epistemology allowed us to see the investment of male enabling values in most human institutions and even in our language As feminism was brought into contact with anti-racist epistemology it was forced to see that feminism was predominantly a white people’s theory with their point of view of the world This meant that if white women were in charge of “due process” they could be trusted to be first white and then women That the division between people into black and white is more powerful than the division between men and women This forced a division in the feminist process into white and black feminism so that white women will not speak for and sell the voices of black women This is also the moment at which what is called identity politics entered feminist politics This gesture of a division was imitated by postcolonial theory Postcolonial feminism was necessitated by the understanding that first-world women were first first-world and then women Now postcolonial feminists spoke for postcolonial women These divisions were also about taking territories and concentrating power Power is the ability to decide how people should or should not behave to make the laws which define regular behaviours to negotiate between men and women to speak for the many and to be symbols of cool activities Postcolonial theory and postcolonial feminism too concentrated power in the hands of a few women in the subcontinent They held that universal human rights class struggle and progressive institutions were in truth invested with first-world enabling values Postcolonial epistemology aimed to expose the continuation of colonial ways of seeing and speaking about the third-world people even after formal decolonisation It aimed to let these people speak for themselves in a non-universal language through non-European epistemic categories It aimed to let these people speak from out of their own histories and traditions But it is evident that all postcolonial women do not have the same epistemology and power Muslim women are not in the same position as Hindu women Dalit women (the pejorative term “subaltern” like the term “Harijan” should be rejected) do not have the powers upper caste women have South Indian women are not equal to North Indian women Women of theNorth East are not as visible as the women of the North West It was clear from the history of thefeminist process thus far that it ought to yield to more divisions — Islamic feminism upper caste feminism Dalit feminism Dravidian feminism etc However of these divisions the one between upper caste and lower caste feminism is more significant since caste is the determinant of all relations in the subcontinent Caste is the codified racism which defines the social order in the subcontinent It might be objected that racism is a colonial construct but we too can object saying that after all caste inspired racism and the construction of “race” greatly Casteism refers to the discriminative eliminative and oppressive racist practices of the “upper castes” against the "lower castes" It cannot ever designate the lower castes since the upper castes are the creators and the regulators of caste laws historically In symmetry postcolonial theorists cannot be called colonialists by the colonialists In the story of the modern style of politics in the subcontinent starting with the anti-colonial struggle that resulted in the Union of India the upper castes spoke on behalf of the lower castes and have held power This trend continues in postcolonial theory and feminist struggle in the subcontinent too The argument should come as no surprise to postcolonial feminists that like the first-world women who are first first-world upper caste women are first upper caste And that postcolonial epistemology suppresses the anti-caste consciousness and struggle which sees tradition nation and postcolonialism differently Now Sarkar’s list has brought this division into something which must be addressed and it has also forced the barely contained casteism in academic and public spaces to become visible Like the divisions between white and black feminisms and that between first-world and postcolonial feminisms the apparent division between “upper caste” and “lower caste” feminism too is about more than feminism Sex death and “due process” There are two primary accusations against Sarkar: ‘they’ is destroying the unity of the feminist movement and that they are violating the norms established by “due process” and possibly endangering men who are likely innocent In the societies of the subcontinent women were expected to commit suicide to protect their honour/modesty/shame before a sexual crime was to occur or after the crime Legend and Bollywood maintained this expectation We see this relation between sex and death extending to men who have been accused of sexual misconduct and harassment too as in the recent case of the activist Khurshid Anwar’s media trial or a kind of listing and suicide? 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when they clobbered the ball into the stands, ? She was part of a group which was on its way to Mumbai to catch a flight for Southeast Asia tour when the minibus in which they were travelling collided with a truck around midnight at Devle bridge near Lonavala on the Pune-Mumbai Expressway,M. download Indian Express App More Top NewsWritten by Sandip G | Pallekele/kandy | Updated: August 15, They have failed to meet the criteria for appointment as per regulations laid down in the Maharashtra Universities Act, Hence the admission procedure should not be started before the final verdict of the hearing is announced.” she recalls. who speaks fondly of McCluskieganj, promoted yoga and equated the United Nations to a banyan tree.

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